Russian recovery and nostalgia for Communism
Posted in social science on September 27th, 2005A Washington Post article discusses a curious rise in Communist nostalgia in Russia among the youth:
The National Bolsheviks, whose name harkens back to the revolutionaries led by Vladimir I. Lenin who founded the Soviet Union, were banned in June by a Moscow court. Party lawyers said that was the first time a political party had been outlawed in Russia since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. The court held that the National Bolsheviks were intent on “a forceful change of the foundations of the constitutional regime.”
The National Bolsheviks don’t represent, at present, a serious political threat, but their bold actions may be indicative of a larger undercurrent of sympathy for the pre-1991 days of Communism in Russia. The aftermath of the fall of Communism has been a puzzle. We know that free markets promote wealth and prosperity, albeit with no explicit provision for members of society who for one reason or another aren’t competitive, yet the standard of living in Russia has declined significantly in the last 15 years.
The most convincing argument I’ve read concerns “growth ethics” from Arnold Kling. From his essay:
One likely reason that privatization performed less well than expected in the former Soviet Union is that the work ethic had been too badly undermined. Suppose that employees are used to stealing from their state-run government enterprises to sell into the black market. When privatization takes place, the black markets are still functioning, and old habits may linger. Before the enterprise can get on its feet, it fails.
In case it seems that Kling is levying insult, Russians themselves are increasingly recognizing the profound impact of corruption on their society. From the Moscow Times:
Recently, Georgy Satarov, the president of Indem, an anti-corruption think tank, presented more detailed and provocative numbers on the incidence of corruption. It estimated that the aggregate market for business corruption amounted to a staggering $316 billion. Given that the average nominal wage of a public servant is 6,000 rubles ($210) per month and that there are 1.2 million bureaucrats, the Indem results suggest that official salaries account for a mere 1 percent of the total income that civil servants receive. Moreover, the report implies that more than 1.3 million out of the 1.9 million operating enterprises listed in the state registry have turned to corrupt state officials. If this is true, the integrity of the public sector in Russia is indeed in critical condition.
The Indem study paints a stark image of public life in Russia, but it also gives signs of better days to come as the data suggests the more Russians are declining bribes. Some perspective, offered by a discussion panel of Russian experts at FrontPage Magazine may shed some light on the desperation which motivates The National Bolsheviks:
The fact that many [Russians] say positive things about Stalin in public opinion polls doesn’t show that they prefer tyranny to democracy. They actually haven’t seen the latter yet, and don’t consider it as a realistic option. And if the only choice they see is between victorious generalissimo of the past and obscure lieutenant colonel of the present why wouldn’t they choose the former. Hardly such a support is ideologically motivated. It is rather nostalgia for Russia’s greatness.
